Before you vote, here's what the next Governor and Legislature will actually have the power to do — and what's at stake on the issues Virgin Islanders deal with every day.
Each section below covers one major issue: what the problem is, where things stand right now, and what the Governor and Legislature can realistically do about it. Candidate position rankings are coming — we're currently reviewing public platform documents, campaign websites, debate coverage, and voting records for incumbents before publishing any comparisons. We won't rank candidates on issues until we can do it from sourced positions, not guesses.
WAPA's primary generators on St. Thomas — including Unit 15, installed in 1980 — are running 16 years past their expected lifespan. Rolling blackouts through spring 2026 have disrupted businesses, damaged appliances, and in some cases created genuine safety risks for residents dependent on medical equipment. The Public Services Commission has called the situation "entirely foreseeable and preventable," pointing to a management plan that warned WAPA to modernize its fleet over a decade ago.
The territory has federal recovery funding in the pipeline for grid improvements, but the pace of deployment has been slow and the immediate generation crisis is separate from longer-term renewable transition plans.
Appoint WAPA's board members and push for accelerated procurement of replacement generation. Direct the Office of Disaster Recovery to prioritize deploying the $867 million already obligated by FEMA for the Harley and Richmond power plants. Use executive authority to negotiate emergency generation contracts and hold WAPA leadership accountable for the $375 million stabilization plan Ernst & Young says the authority needs.
Fix aging infrastructure overnight — Unit 15 has been failing since before 2020, and the E&Y report found WAPA's financial crisis "directly connected" to decisions going back decades. New generation takes 2–5 years to procure, install, and commission even with money already obligated. The $375M stabilization figure assumes fuel costs stay flat; if they rise, the need could reach $498M.
Candidate positions on WAPA and energy reliability — we're reviewing platform documents and public statements before publishing rankings.
The Virgin Islands consistently ranks among the most expensive places to live in the United States. Groceries, utilities, fuel, and housing all carry significant premiums over mainland costs due to the Jones Act shipping requirements, the territory's small market size, and the added cost of island logistics. WAPA's electricity rates are among the highest in the U.S., compounding pressure on both households and businesses.
The VI Slice homeownership program has provided some relief for moderate-income first-time buyers, but demand has repeatedly exhausted funding rounds within 60 days of reopening, and the $1.86 billion CDBG-DR housing pipeline is moving slowly.
Fund and expand homeownership programs like VI Slice, which has disbursed $8.6 million to 87 approved applicants but exhausts each funding round within 60 days. Accelerate the $1.86 billion CDBG-DR housing pipeline. Reduce utility costs indirectly by fixing WAPA's generation crisis — electricity rates are one of the biggest household cost drivers. Advocate to Congress for Jones Act relief, which affects the cost of every imported good on the islands.
Repeal the Jones Act — that requires federal legislation. The FY2027 budget projects inflation at 7.6% in the territory in 2025, driven by roughly $4 billion in imported goods annually — a structural cost that no Governor can eliminate unilaterally. Instantly resolve a housing supply gap built up over years of hurricane damage and slow federal recovery spending.
Candidate positions on cost of living and housing affordability — we're reviewing platform documents and public statements before publishing rankings.
The Virgin Islands Police Department has been operating under a federal consent decree and faces a persistent staffing shortage. Police officials told lawmakers in early 2026 that the department doesn't have enough officers to restore widespread foot patrols without pulling personnel from specialized investigative and school security units. A wave of officer sick calls in 2025 forced the department to activate contingency protocols during a stretch of high-profile violent crimes.
VIPD has expanded surveillance technology — including a public camera network and a license plate reader pilot from Flock Safety — but lawmakers have raised questions about privacy safeguards and whether technology is a substitute for staffing.
Fund VIPD recruitment and retention. The FY2026 proposed VIPD budget is $73.3 million — but 62 of those funded positions sit vacant, and $24.1 million was spent on overtime alone in FY2024 because there aren't enough officers to cover shifts without it. The Legislature can fund incentives to fill those 62 positions instead of letting overtime absorb the gap. Set consent decree compliance priorities and fund the monitoring team. Decide how far to expand or limit surveillance technology deployment.
Immediately fill 62 vacant officer positions — recruitment, academy training, and field certification takes 12–18 months minimum. 9 of the 15 highest-paid territorial government employees are VIPD officers largely because of overtime — fixing that requires both staffing and scheduling reform, neither of which is quick. Address root causes of crime (poverty, housing instability, lack of youth opportunity) through policing budgets alone.
Candidate positions on crime and public safety — we're reviewing platform documents and public statements before publishing rankings.
Juan F. Luis Hospital on St. Croix owes vendors roughly $22.5 million and has been operating with as few as one anesthesiologist on staff — a situation more than 100 physicians described in letters to legislators as a near-total breakdown in surgical capacity. Schneider Regional on St. Thomas faces its own financial pressures. Meanwhile, the Government Employees' Retirement System — covering nearly 19,000 public workers — had only 14.1 cents in assets for every dollar owed as of September 2024, with $552 million in assets against $3.91 billion in liabilities. It paid out $215 million in benefits in just the first nine months of FY2025.
The new JFL hospital is under construction, but completion is 4–5 years away. Government health insurance costs covering 25,000+ employees jumped 14.8% to $226.1 million in FY2026 alone. In the meantime, the territory's healthcare infrastructure is strained in ways that affect every resident who needs surgical care, emergency services, or specialist referrals.
Appropriate emergency operating funds for JFL (currently $22.5M in vendor debt) and Schneider. Ensure government agencies — which owe JFL $5.7M — actually pay their hospital bills. Set GERS contribution policy and pursue federal assistance. Negotiate the FY2027 government health insurance contract before its September expiration — government employees cover 27% of premium costs and the remaining 73% comes directly from the territorial budget.
Immediately close GERS's $3.36 billion gap between assets and liabilities — the fund would need to reach 80% funded to be "good" and currently sits at 14.1%. Build a new hospital faster than physical construction allows. Solve physician shortages through the territorial budget alone — the average GERS benefit payout is $22M per month and no local appropriation can absorb that gap without federal support.
Candidate positions on healthcare and GERS — we're reviewing platform documents and public statements before publishing rankings.
Nine years after Hurricanes Irma and Maria, the territory is still rebuilding. The federal government has committed roughly $23 billion in recovery and infrastructure funding — covering schools, hospitals, housing, roads, and the power grid. But the Office of Disaster Recovery has told lawmakers the territory would need approximately 7,000 additional workers beyond its existing population to execute the full pipeline, and FEMA's environmental review process alone can take nearly two years for a single major project.
The gap between money available and money actually deployed has real consequences: schools are still being rebuilt, people are still living in damaged homes, and the territory is at risk of losing grant funding if projects aren't completed before federal deadlines.
Resource the Office of Disaster Recovery to actually spend the money — ODR projects $733.9 million will be deployed on recovery projects in FY2027 alone, out of the roughly $23 billion pipeline. Streamline local permitting on the territory's end to reduce delays FEMA doesn't control. Push hard on federal deadlines: the Anguilla Landfill grant expires September 2026 — projects like that can lose funding if the territory isn't ready. Advocate to FEMA and Congress for faster environmental review timelines.
Speed up FEMA's federal environmental review, which can take nearly two years for a single major project. Conjure the 7,000 additional skilled workers ODR says the territory needs to execute the full pipeline — the territory's total labor force is projected to reach only 41,350 by 2027. Override federal procurement rules that apply to all FEMA-funded projects nationwide regardless of local urgency. Federal grants are also declining slightly as more spending occurs — OMB reported total federal grants fell to $20.6 billion from prior higher levels.
Candidate positions on disaster recovery and the federal spending pipeline — we're reviewing platform documents and public statements before publishing rankings.
Multiple schools damaged by Hurricanes Irma and Maria are still awaiting reconstruction nearly a decade later. FEMA has committed $384.8 million to replace four elementary schools, and the $319 million St. Croix Central High School rebuild has just broken ground — but senators have criticized FEMA's documentation review process for adding years to timelines. Students and teachers have been operating in substandard or temporary facilities in the interim.
Beyond infrastructure, the Department of Education faces recurring challenges with teacher recruitment and retention, curriculum standards, and the broader question of what education policy should look like in a small island territory with specific economic and cultural needs.
Push FEMA aggressively on documentation bottlenecks holding up the $384.8 million elementary school rebuilds and the $319 million Central High reconstruction. Fund teacher recruitment and retention incentives — the FY2027 budget's $543.3 million in federal funds includes education components that require local match and active management. Set curriculum standards. Appropriate funds for temporary facility repairs while rebuilds continue rather than waiting for FEMA timelines.
Override FEMA's federal review requirements — senators have called the pace "horse and buggy" but the review is federal law, not a local choice. Complete $704 million in school reconstruction faster than physical building timelines allow. Instantly solve teacher shortages in a competitive national labor market when the territory's total labor force is under 41,000 people. The $104 million in modular temporary classrooms installed after 2017 are themselves now deteriorating — with mold, HVAC failures, and detachment issues flagged by the Board of Education.
Candidate positions on education and school rebuilding — we're reviewing platform documents and public statements before publishing rankings.
The territory faces a persistent outmigration problem — particularly among young, working-age residents — which compounds every other issue on this page. The Office of Disaster Recovery has noted a gap of roughly 7,000 workers needed just to execute the existing federal recovery pipeline, let alone grow the broader economy. Tourism remains the territory's primary economic engine, but it creates seasonal volatility and doesn't always produce the kind of well-paying, stable jobs that keep residents from leaving.
The territory's tax incentive programs have attracted some investment, but critics argue the benefits don't reach working-class residents. The economy's relationship to federal funding is also double-edged — the recovery pipeline creates construction and contracting work, but that work can be temporary, and much of the skilled labor is imported from the mainland.
Structure recovery spending to build lasting local workforce capacity — ODR projects $733.9 million in recovery spending in FY2027 alone, which generates gross receipts tax revenue (projected at $29.7 million in FY2027) and construction jobs if local hiring is prioritized. Fund workforce training programs in construction trades tied to the recovery pipeline. The FY2027 budget projects visitor arrivals at 2.6 million in 2025 with a 67.9% hotel occupancy rate — tourism policy decisions directly affect the territory's largest economic engine.
Stop outmigration by policy alone. The territory's total labor force is projected to reach only 41,350 by 2027 — and ODR says 7,000 additional workers are needed just for the recovery pipeline. The FY2027 budget pegs inflation at 7.6% in 2025, driven by $4 billion in annual imports subject to Jones Act pricing — a structural cost no Governor controls. Federal contracting rules on FEMA-funded projects often disadvantage local firms in procurement.
Candidate positions on jobs and economic development — we're reviewing platform documents and public statements before publishing rankings.
A note on candidate rankings: We're committed to publishing candidate position comparisons on each of these issues — but only once we can source them accurately. We're currently reviewing official campaign platforms, public statements, debate coverage, and for incumbents, their actual voting records. If you represent a 2026 candidate and want to submit a platform document for review, email us at signal@viiq.org.